What is Hindutva’s role in India?

What's Hindutva And Why It Conflicts With Hinduism (A guest view) — Hindus for Human Rights

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What is Hindutva? India's Hindu Nationalist Ideology Explained

Como escrever um perfil de namoro online ou no mundo real? -  · In politics, Hindutva is the application of this principle of spiritual freedom to national life. Hinduism and spiritual freedom India is the land where Sanatana Dharma took root and . it is significant and will continue to play a role at the state and national level, in conjunction with and in reaction to a range of other political drivers. The growth of Hindutva politics: The . 6 hours ago · Teacher: Prior to that, the Constituent Assembly functioned at the pleasure of the British Parliament and the colonial Government of India. Now, they were a sovereign body, . Can a TCDD be used to substantiate a data center?

India's RSS Has Played A Powerful Role In The Rise Of Hindu Nationalism : NPR

Quais são os crimes contras animais? - Web20/11/ · It is through this involvement in politics that Hindutva plays such a vast and complicated role in Indian identity politics. It will be argued that the institutional practice . Web15/09/ · In politics, Hindutva is the application of this principle of spiritual freedom to national life. Hinduism and spiritual freedom India is the land where Sanatana Dharma . Web29/08/ · Hindutva tries to portray itself as a cultural and nationalistic conception to mark itself as India’s identity. Still, it does not assume a theological categorization. In its . Como ser um bom escritor de artigo científico?

What is Hindutva’s role in India?

Qual a importância da formação do orientador? - Web03/02/ · It depicts ‘Hinduism’ as constantly under threat from external/foreign forces (of Islam, Christianity and ‘Secularism’), and hence, portrays violence against Muslims, . Web14/05/ · Hindutva is Indian woke culture. This may seem like an odd statement to make because a) woke-ism has specific post-War American civil rights antecedents and . Web19/05/ · The power of money, media, political marketing, and the organisational electoral machine makes Hindutva politics one of India’s most formidable and dominant . Qual é a diferença entre a norma APA e a ABNT?

Roy was by no means a Hindutva extremist. Born in , he predated the phenomenon of Hindutva by a century. Given his eclectic mix of inspirations, it may be inaccurate to even describe Roy as a Hindu. Until the modern era, the people we regard as Hindus, on the whole, did not identify themselves as Hindus. They had no shared sense of community. As Audrey Truschke, a historian at Rutgers University, notes in our podcast , pre-modern Hindus identified by caste and the deity or avatar they were devoted to. The traditions and texts associated with what is called Hinduism today are ancient. They go back centuries and even millennia. But Hinduism is not a religion in the Western sense of the term. Ram Mohan Roy founded his own monotheistic sect, the Brahmo Samaj, which split from the Hindu fold after his death.

Dayanand was, at least initially, influenced by the Brahmo Samaj, according to scholar A. Like Roy, Dayanand opposed idol worship. But Dayanand also believed in Vedic exceptionalism. Dayanand was not only a revivalist and nostalgist but also a polemicist. He engaged in apologetics on behalf of the Vedic tradition. And he was a staunch critic of other faiths, including the Abrahamic religions. Dayanand died in , but his Arya Samaj took on a more active role with the creation of the Hindu Sabha and Hindu Mahasabha, two Hindu political outfits that aimed to protect the political interests of Hindus, first as a front within the main Indian National Congress party and then, beginning in the s, as a separate political party.

In , Gandhi, a London-educated barrister, adopted an outward dress similar to that of a sanyasi , a Hindu ascetic who has renounced worldly life. Gandhi first read the Bhagavad Gita in its English translation. The Indian freedom fighter powerfully deployed Hindu symbolism in his appearance and speech to transform the elite-dominated Indian National Congress into a mass movement that could appeal to ordinary Hindus. In the s, as Gandhiism took form, so did the Hindutva ideology. More broadly, this was a transformative period in India and the world. The end of the First World War brought about a new set of winners and losers in the world order. As the concept of nationalism spread, so too did ideologies like communism and fascism and their distinctive cadre-based organizations.

Then, in , the Indian National Congress was founded in Mumbai. And the broader Maharasthra region to which Savarkar belonged was a crucible of the emerging Hindu nationalism. These forces would play a defining role in shaping Savarkar at an early age. Born into a Brahmin family, as a young boy, Savarkar took part in an attack on a mosque amid communal violence between Hindus and Muslims. And as a young adult, he gravitated toward the militant section of the Indian nationalist movement.

Soon after returning from studies in London, he was sentenced to prison by the British for sedition, though he was released after his clemency petition was approved. Savarkar was a self-avowed atheist. But he instrumentalized Hindu mythologies as historical truths. They served as the basis for the Hindu nationalist ideology that he would play a pivotal role in shaping. And he took inspiration from a battle between the Afghan Durrani Empire and the Marathi Confederacy, recasting it as one between religious communities. He includes Buddhists, Jains, and Sikhs within the Hindu fold. But his intended effect is to single out Christians and Muslims.

A day will come when mankind will have to face the force. Savarkar recognized the diversity within the tradition that has come to be regarded as Hinduism. Today, India is imposing laws to exclude Muslims from citizenship and public life. Shortly before his death in , Savarkar — in his book Six Glorious Epochs of Indian History — inferred that the systematic rape of Muslim women would have served as a deterrent to the sexual assault of Hindu women. Prasad Purohit in as a militant network that would kill over Indian and Pakistani Muslims in a series of terror attacks, including the bombing of the Pakistan-bound Samjhauta Express train. One member of the Abhinav Bharat terror network, Pragya Thakur, was elected as a parliamentarian on a BJP ticket in while out on bail on terrorism charges.

Like Savarkar, the Hedgewar was a Marathi Brahmin. Under Hedgewar, the RSS shied away from overt politics. It focused mainly on creating a Hindu nationalist vanguard through individual and organizational development. The RSS, however, did take part in mass violence. Golwalkar, that the RSS grew into a vast grassroots cadre organization aiming to influence all aspects of Indian society.

The group also has a paramilitary element. In , the group was banned after one of its members, Nathuram Godse, assassinated Mahatma Gandhi. A Hindu Rashtra inspired by the RSS ideology would be similar in some ways to Communist China today under Xi Jinping, with an official national ideology superseding religion and taking precedence if there is a contradiction between the two. Hindutva is a supremacist ideology.

His words are chilling:. There is, at least should be, no other course for them to adopt. We are an old nation; let us deal, as old nations ought to and do deal, with the foreign races, who have chosen to live in our country. And so it is no surprise that Golwalkar spoke with admiration of anti-Semitic Nazi Germany. In , as the Nazi campaign against the Jewish people gained momentum, Golwalkar wrote:. Race pride at its highest has been manifested here. Germany has also shown how well-nigh impossible it is for Races and cultures, having differences going to the root, to be assimilated into one united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindusthan to learn and profit by.

Golwalkar used the theories of American and European political scientists as well as Hindu mythology to make his claim that Hindus are a nation. With the rise of Narendra Modi, the image of Golwalkar has been rehabilitated. In , Modi, while serving as chief minister of Gujarat, authored a book on the lives of sixteen historical figures he admired. One of those men was none other than Golwalkar. In addition to being rabidly anti-Muslim and anti-Christian, Golwalkar and his successors in the RSS were also critical of Western ideologies and decentralized governance. They criticized democracy, capitalism, and Indian federalism, advocating instead for a strong center.

Upadhyaya called for dharma rajya , a term that is quite difficult to translate. The word dharma means many things in the Hindu tradition, including religion, a way of life, the natural way, a cosmic order, and the path of righteousness. Upadhyaya, on the one hand, said that his dharma rajya would not be a theocratic state, but it would also not be secular. What he offered was a conservative worldview that aims to uphold traditional values, avoid spiritual degradation, and shun materialism.

He writes: The foreign races in Hindusthan [India] must either adopt the Hindu culture and language, must learn to respect and hold in reverence Hindu religion, must entertain no idea but those of the glorification of the Hindu race and culture, i. There is, at least, should be, no other course for them to adopt. We are an old nation; let us deal, as old nations ought to and do deal, with the foreign races, who have chosen to live in our country. Instead, it frames Hinduism as a culture and Hindus as a race who adhere to a Hindu culture.

In this peculiar but brilliant redefinition lies the specificity of Hindu fascism. It is unlike most of Euro-American fascism — whether it be Nazi Germany and its notion of Aryan purity or neo-fascist movements such as the KKK or BNP — which are all biologically defined ideas of racial purity. Lochtefeld , analyzing Savarkar, the man who preceded Golwalkar and the first Supreme Leader of the RSS, unpacks this redefinition as follows: Savarkar [who first expounded on the Hindu Nation] defined a Hindu as anyone regarding India as a fatherland and holy land, and to this day these remain the litmus test.

One must look at who this definition excludes. India, per se, is a fascinating melting pot of races and cultures. Even distinctions such as white and black as available in the US though those are also mostly spurious are entirely impossible in India. A large number of minorities — Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains, for instance are objects of integration. So also, Dalits and tribals adivasis though historically oppressed by upper caste Hindus are in this definition not excluded from the nation.

In contrast, Muslims, Christians, Parsis and Jews, are clearly defined as outside the fold of the Nation, not because they have not been part of India for centuries but because their cultural signifiers are seen as lying external to the territorial nation. He writes:. German national pride has now become the topic of the day. To keep up the purity of the nation and its culture, Germany shocked the world by her purging the country of the Semitic races — the Jews. National pride at its highest has been manifested here.

Germany has also shown how well—nigh impossible it is for races and cultures, having differences going to the root, to be assimilated into one united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindustan to learn and profit by. Today, the political leadership of the Sangh spends some marginal effort at denying any relation to Nazi Germany but does little to explain the distinction between its ideology and that of Nazi Germany. Clearly their broad ideas of purity and exclusion are not very different from Nazi Germany. However, the peculiar conflation of culture and race does make this brand of fascism unique.

It functions primarily through a broad range of organizations that exist in every aspect of sociopolitical life in India — what is referred to as the Sangh Parivar Sangh family of organizations. However, before we explicate this visible structure of the Sangh Parivar and its chief constituent organizations, we need to pay some attention to the minimal aspects of what is visible as the RSS. The shakha is a place for swayamsevaks volunteers to come together for physical and ideological training.

These shakhas operate in large numbers of neighborhoods in India and are now spreading across the US , and produce a constant stream of 'volunteers' who become the foot-soldiers for the Sangh's projects and organizations. Here too, specific links can be drawn between European fascism and the RSS. Moonje, the mentor of the founding father of the RSS, Hegdewar, visited and met with Mussolini and was granted permission by Mussolini to observe and understand the nature of the fascist organizational structure [56].

Moonje played a crucial role in molding the RSS along Italian fascist lines. The deep impression left on Moonje by the vision of the fascist organizations is confirmed by his diary. The idea of fascism vividly brings out the conception of unity amongst people India and particularly Hindu Indians need some such institution for the military regeneration of the Hindus: so that the artificial distinction so much emphasised by the British of martial and non—martial classes amongst the Hindus may disappear… Our institution of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh of Nagpur under Dr.

Hedgewar is of this kind, though quite independently conceived. I will spend the rest of my life in developing and extending this Institution of Dr. Hedgewar all throughout Maharashtra and other provinces. This training is meant for qualifying and fitting our boys for the game of killing masses of men with the ambition of winning victory with the best possible causalities sic of dead and wounded while causing the utmost possible to the adversary. The swayamsevaks generated at the Shakhas are seamlessly tied into the Sangh Parivar infrastructure. The Sangh permeates every aspect. Below is a brief description of each — the Indian organization first, followed by its US equivalent as well as a summary chart.

It is currently in power in the Indian state of Gujarat, which recently witnessed some of the most gruesome violence against Muslims. At the center in New Delhi, it is the leading member of a coalition that is currently in power. In addition, it works to mobilize opinion in Washington D. VHP—Vishwa Hindu Parishad : It was formed in with the explicit purpose of forming an aggressive and an activist wing to promote Hindutva. The first general secretary of the VHP, S. It rose to prominence for spearheading from the early s onwards the Ram Janmabhoomi movement that ultimately led to the violent take over and destruction of a 16th century Babri mosque in Ayodhya, India.

This mobilization that lasted the better part of a decade was a watershed event in terms of creating new levels of polarization between Hindu and Muslim communities in India. More recently, its international working president, Mr. In other words, the VHP, is the core political mobilization unit that is used to create and spread conditions of religious intolerance and violence. Its work within the professional Indian diasporic community is essentially both ideological and fund raising. In real terms it works actively and in close cooperation with VHP, India.

It does this through multiple levels of ideological work — by organizing mass meetings and readings on campuses on a narrow range of Hindu thought, that is ideologically a perfect fit for Hindutva, such as Gita readings and for those who wish to get more involved as a gateway to larger Hindutva operations in the US. The Bajrang Dal regularly organizes arms training camps for its members, where it teaches them the use of firearms and trishuls tridents. This site is a virulent hate-filled site that has already once been yanked by a web-hosting service Addr. Islam has been shedding Hindu blood for several centuries. This is something we should neither forget nor forgive. This sinister religion has been striking at Hinduism for just too long.

It is time we resist this satanic force and kick it back into the same pit it crawled out of. However, in its very incoherence lies its ingenuity. The service wing operates through hundreds of organizations spread across the country — many different names and functions — all presented as if they were entirely independent organizations. This proliferation of Sewa Vibhag projects as independent organizations gives an impression of seeming incoherence. However, it is also the most inconspicuous way of placing swayamsevaks distributed across the country and creating entry points for them to do their ideological work.

It takes systematic matching of organizational trustees with other known RSS operations to establish the links. However, while this is true for a large number of RSS Sewa Vibhag operations, the role of the Sewa Vibhag as an entry point to do the core ideological work of the Sangh creates some long term patterns and institutions. For instance, education offers an effective cover for ideological work and the remaking of identities. Thus many Sewa Vibhag operations are crafted as educational activities.

Similarly, it becomes possible to identify a whole range of organizations that work with tribals adivasis as RSS operations because the adivasis are an important target constituency for the RSS. As these multitude of projects are what is the object of funding from the US, in a sense, these organizations of the Sewa Vibhag that do the core work of spreading the ideology of the Sangh are an extremely critical part of this report.

It is directly connected to Sewa International, the part of the Sewa Vibhag that coordinates international Sewa activity. Violence is a core aspect of Hindutva. It has never been shy of advocating violence for the achievement of its goals of a Hindu Rashtra. This twin trope of self-defense and a lost manhood that is in need of recovery are part of the daily rhetoric of Hindutva. There is ample evidence that this essential and strategic understanding of violence is central to the Hindutva project.

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What does Hindutva really mean?

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What is Hindutva? — Hindutva Harassment Field Manual

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What is Hindutva? India's Hindu Nationalist Ideology Explained

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